Export Controls and Embargoes: How Does Ankara Explain Its Argument Over Allied Arms Restrictions and Double Standards?
Desk analysis of Turkey arms export restrictions by NATO allies: CAATSA, the F-35 removal, the 1975–78 embargo, EU rules and Ankara's double-standards case.
Why It Matters
Since 1975, several NATO allies have restricted arms transfers to Türkiye, citing national law, human-rights and regional-stability criteria, or technology-security concerns. Each episode has strengthened Ankara's case for domestic production, and each has fed a continuing argument over whether allied rules are applied evenly. This desk article sets out the verifiable episodes, the legal basis of export licensing, the reasons governments give, and Türkiye's double-standards argument. It deliberately leaves out trade-value figures that cannot be traced to official databases.
Background
The legal basis of export licensing
Arms exports are licensed nationally, under a layered set of national, regional and international rules. The main instruments are:
- National law. Every exporting state licenses transfers under its own statutes. In the United States these include the Arms Export Control Act and the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), which also govern re-transfer and the use of US-origin components. Governments in Europe and Canada apply national export-control laws and parliamentary or ministerial review.
- EU Common Position 2008/944/CFSP (8 December 2008). It is legally binding on EU member states and sets eight criteria. They include respect for international obligations, the human-rights and humanitarian-law record of the recipient, the internal situation and regional peace, the national security of member states and allies, and the risk of diversion. The decision to grant or refuse a licence stays with each member state.
- The Arms Trade Treaty (adopted 2013, in force since 24 December 2014). It bars transfers that would violate UN Security Council arms embargoes or facilitate genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. It also requires states parties to assess the risk of serious violations of international humanitarian or human-rights law. Readers should check each state's status in the UN Treaty Collection.
- CAATSA (2017). The US Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act is a sanctions statute rather than a licensing regime. Section 231 targets significant transactions with Russia's defence and intelligence sectors.
- Multilateral regimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement coordinates dual-use and conventional-arms controls but does not produce binding embargoes.
A NATO ally is not exempt from any of these. Membership of the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty creates no entitlement to arms purchases from another member.
Dated table of restriction episodes
| Date | Episode | Reason given by the restricting government | Later development |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1975-02-05 | US congressional arms embargo on Türkiye, enacted after Congress voted in December 1974 and President Ford's vetoes in October 1974 | Use of US-origin arms in the 20 July 1974 Cyprus operation; Congress demanded progress on Cyprus | Congress voted for repeal in 1978; President Carter signed it on 1978-09-26 |
| 1990s (periodic) | National restrictions or suspensions by some European states and congressional holds | Human-rights concerns about counter-PKK operations | Mixed and case-specific; no single dated instrument |
| 2017-08-02 | CAATSA enacted | Response to Russian conduct | Section 231 later applied to Türkiye |
| 2019-07-12 | First S-400 components delivered to Türkiye (contract signed December 2017) | Not applicable | Triggered US response |
| 2019-07-17 | White House announces Türkiye's removal from the F-35 programme | S-400 deemed incompatible with F-35 and a risk to the aircraft's technology | Turkish industrial participation was reported to be phased out by early 2020 |
| 2019-10-09 onward | Operation Peace Spring in northern Syria; Germany, France, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden, Norway and others announce suspensions or restrictions; Canada suspends new permits | Regional stability, humanitarian and human-rights criteria | EU Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of 2019-10-14 left policy to national decisions; Sweden and Finland later eased (2022) |
| 2019-10-14 | US executive order on Syria-related sanctions and sanctions announced on Turkish ministries and officials | Response to the operation | Lifted in late October 2019 after the ceasefire arrangements |
| 2020-10 | Canada suspends export permits after Nagorno-Karabakh fighting | Concern over use of Canadian-made sensors | Subject to later review |
| 2020-12-14 | CAATSA Section 231 sanctions on the Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) and four officials including its president | S-400 purchase | Export-licence ban, loan restrictions, asset freeze and visa restrictions; remain in place |
| 2022-06-28 | Madrid trilateral memorandum (Türkiye, Finland, Sweden) | Part of NATO accession bargain | Finland and Sweden confirm there is no arms embargo and agree to lift restrictions |
| 2024-01-26 | US administration notifies Congress of an F-16 sale and modernisation package | Shift after Türkiye ratified Sweden's accession | Separate from the F-35 and CAATSA issues |
Two patterns stand out. The embargoes of 1975 and 2019–2020 each followed a Turkish security decision the supplier opposed (Cyprus, S-400, Syria). The later easing steps were tied to alliance bargaining rather than to a change in the legal criteria.
Domestic industry as a response
Türkiye's modern defence-industrial base grew largely after the 1975 embargo. ASELSAN was founded in 1975 by the Turkish Armed Forces Foundation, HAVELSAN followed in 1982 and ROKETSAN in 1988. The Defence Industry Undersecretariat created in 1985 became the Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) in 2018. The desk's explainer on what 'around 80 percent domestic' means and how it is measured shows why headline localisation figures need method notes, and why subsystems such as engines and sensors matter more than the headline number. For a broader view of how exports interact with alliance politics, see The Worldlogue's analysis of defense exports and technology transfer.
Key Players & Positions
United States
The US administration and Congress have argued that operating the Russian S-400 alongside the F-35 would expose the stealth aircraft's systems to potential Russian intelligence collection and that the S-400 cannot be integrated into NATO air-defence architecture. CAATSA Section 231 requires sanctions on significant Russian defence transactions, and the State Department announced the SSB measures on 14 December 2020. In the 1970s, supporters of the embargo in Congress presented it as a legal consequence of the use of US-origin arms in Cyprus and as leverage for a settlement.
European governments and the EU
Governments that restricted exports in 2019 cited the humanitarian situation in northern Syria and the Common Position criteria on regional peace and human rights. The 14 October 2019 EU Foreign Affairs Council conclusions committed member states to strong national positions on arms exports to Türkiye and did not impose an EU-wide embargo. Greece and the Republic of Cyprus have urged partners to take Eastern Mediterranean tensions into account in licensing. Some governments, notably Sweden and Finland, later stated that no embargo exists, following the 28 June 2022 memorandum.
NATO
NATO officials have generally described the S-400 purchase as a national decision while noting allied concerns about interoperability and technology security. NATO has no collective arms-export mechanism, so allied restrictions remain bilateral. For the Alliance-level picture, see Interstate Journal on Türkiye in NATO.
Rights organisations and other critics
Human-rights groups argue that licensing criteria under the Common Position and the Arms Trade Treaty require exporters to weigh the risk that arms may be used in serious violations of humanitarian law, and that political alliance does not remove that duty. Their reasoning is generally framed around specific end uses and operations rather than around Türkiye's alliance status.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara's argument has two linked parts: a legal and political critique of how restrictions on allies are applied, and a strategic case for indigenous production. The points below are attributed to Turkish official sources.
- Restrictions on an ally are applied unevenly. According to Turkish Foreign Ministry (MFA) statements of October 2019, national arms-export suspensions after Operation Peace Spring contradicted the spirit of allied solidarity. Ankara argues that comparable operations by other states have not triggered similar measures, and it also points to the 2020 easing of long-standing US restrictions on transfers to the Republic of Cyprus as a contrast. Critics reply that licensing is assessed case by case and that the criteria are published.
- The S-400 was a last-resort procurement, and Ankara offered a technical solution. In its 14 December 2020 statement, the MFA called the CAATSA decision a grave mistake and recalled that Türkiye had proposed a joint technical working group to address concerns. The Presidency has repeatedly described air-defence acquisition as a sovereign national-security decision, and Ankara says the S-400 is not integrated into NATO systems.
- The F-35 removal is contested. Türkiye was a partner in the Joint Strike Fighter programme from its early phase and says its removal was unwarranted and disregarded its industrial and financial contributions. Turkish officials, including President Erdoğan, have since said Türkiye remains open to returning to the programme if the S-400 matter is resolved in a way that is acceptable to Ankara.
- Dependence is a strategic vulnerability. Ankara cites 1975–1978 as the founding lesson. The Ministry of National Defense (MSB) and SSB present the defence-industrial strategy as a way to keep operating Turkish forces when foreign supply is interrupted. They name national platforms such as the Bayraktar TB2, Akıncı and ANKA, the ATMACA and SOM missiles, the HİSAR-O air-defence system, the KAAN fighter (first flown on 21 February 2024) and the Hürjet trainer. The desk explainer on the 80-percent figure discusses how far these claims can be verified. Reporting also shows that supplier restrictions on some foreign-made subcomponents, such as electro-optical sensors, pushed Turkish firms to field domestic alternatives.
- Indigenous production is presented as a contribution to the Alliance. Ankara argues that a stronger national industry adds to NATO's collective capacity, and cites the North Atlantic Treaty's Article 3 on developing individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack. It also points to Türkiye's operational record, including its operations under Article 51 of the UN Charter (Security Desk analysis) and its ground fight against DAESH (the numbers and their sources).
Legal and historical basis. Ankara maintains that the 20 July 1974 operation rested on Article IV of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, so it regards the 1975 embargo as a penalty for exercising a treaty right (see the Cyprus Desk and The Political Anatomy's guide to the Cyprus issue). It argues that the S-400 and Syria episodes involve the right to self-defence and sovereign procurement. Ankara also holds that Article 51 of the UN Charter covers its cross-border counter-terrorism operations against PKK/YPG, the PKK being listed as a terrorist organisation by Türkiye, the United States, NATO and the European Union, so arms restrictions linked to those operations should not be treated as neutral. Other governments dispute some of these characterisations, and the desk records both views.
Source Comparison
| Issue | Common Western or international framing | Turkish official framing | What the documents show |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1975 embargo | A legal response to use of US arms in Cyprus, aimed at promoting a settlement | A penalty for a lawful treaty-based intervention that weakened an ally | Dated US statutes and vetoes; repeal in 1978; Turkish suspension of US facilities in 1975 |
| S-400 and CAATSA | A technology-security risk and mandatory sanctions under US law | A sovereign procurement after failing to obtain an acceptable alternative; sanctions on an ally are a grave mistake | US notice of 2020-12-14; MFA statement of the same date proposing a working group |
| European curbs of 2019 | A human-rights and regional-stability response under national law and the Common Position | Inconsistent with allied solidarity and selectively applied | EU Council conclusions of 2019-10-14 left decisions to member states; later easing by some states |
| Domestic production | Partly a hedge against unreliable suppliers; localisation figures hard to verify | A strategic autonomy policy, with a share of around 80 percent in official statements | Method notes needed; see the desk explainer on how the figure is measured |
Readers should consult the primary documents directly: the statutes, the EU Council conclusions, the State Department notice of December 2020 and the MFA and SSB statements. The desk's Editorial Principles explain how it separates documented fact from stated position.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- CAATSA Section 231: US law requiring sanctions on persons engaged in significant transactions with Russia's defence or intelligence sectors. Its use against an allied state's procurement agency was unprecedented.
- SSB (Presidency of Defense Industries): Türkiye's procurement and defence-industry authority, successor to the Defence Industry Undersecretariat (1985).
- EU Common Position 2008/944/CFSP: the EU's binding export-control criteria, applied nationally by member states.
- Arms Trade Treaty (ATT): the 2013 treaty regulating international trade in conventional arms and requiring risk assessments.
- End-use certificate: a document in which the buyer states the intended end user and agrees not to re-export without permission.
- ITAR: US regulations controlling US-origin defence articles, including re-transfers.
Related reading on this site: the 80-percent domestic production explainer, Security Desk on Article 51, Editorial Principles, and About International Affairs Desk. From our sister publications: The Worldlogue on defence exports and Interstate Journal on Türkiye in NATO.
International Affairs Desk Editorial Team. This article reflects International Affairs Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the context needed to evaluate them. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.
Frequently asked questions
Is there a NATO arms embargo on Türkiye?
No. NATO has no collective arms-export mechanism, and the 2019 EU Council conclusions did not create an EU-wide embargo. Restrictions have been national, such as US sanctions on the SSB under CAATSA and individual European and Canadian licensing decisions, and some have since been eased.
Why did the United States remove Türkiye from the F-35 programme?
The White House announced the removal on 17 July 2019, days after the first S-400 delivery. Washington argued the Russian system could expose F-35 technology to collection and cannot be integrated into NATO defences. Ankara disputes this and says it offered a technical working group.
What are the CAATSA sanctions on Türkiye's Presidency of Defense Industries?
Announced on 14 December 2020 under Section 231 of CAATSA, they include a ban on US export licences to the SSB, limits on loans and credits, an asset freeze and visa restrictions on four officials including its president. They respond to the S-400 purchase and remain in force.
What legal rules govern arms exports to a NATO ally?
Licensing is national, under laws such as the US Arms Export Control Act and ITAR, with the EU Common Position 2008/944/CFSP adding eight shared criteria for member states. The Arms Trade Treaty requires risk assessments for states parties. None of these grants an ally an automatic right to buy.
What is Ankara's double-standards argument?
Ankara argues that restrictions on an ally are applied unevenly, with criteria invoked against Türkiye that are not applied to others, and that the 1975–1978 embargo, which it links to a treaty-based intervention in Cyprus, shows the risk of supplier dependence. Critics respond that licences are assessed case by case under published criteria.
Has export pressure changed Türkiye's defence industry?
Turkish officials say yes: ASELSAN was founded in 1975 after the embargo, and the defence strategy now stresses indigenous platforms and subsystems. Official localisation figures, often given as around 80 percent, depend on how they are measured, so readers should check the method.
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