Cyprus Desk: From the 1960 Partnership to the Two-State Position, Reading the Record

Why It Matters

The Cyprus dispute is a question about what kind of political settlement can replace the 1960 partnership state that broke down in 1963, and about who holds legal rights when it fails. Türkiye, the TRNC leadership and the Turkish Cypriot side argue that the federal model has run its course and that the two peoples should coexist as two sovereign, equal states. The Republic of Cyprus, Greece, the EU and the UN maintain that the only agreed framework is a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality.

This pillar follows the documents first and the positions second. It sets out each side in its own words and sources, in line with the desk's Editorial Principles, and keeps Türkiye's reading in a clearly labelled section so readers can weigh it against the record.

Background

1955–1960: From Enosis to a Partnership Republic

Cyprus was under Ottoman rule from 1571 and under British administration from 1878; Britain annexed it in 1914 and it became a Crown colony in 1925, a status recognized in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. In the 1950s, Greek Cypriot nationalists sought Enosis (union with Greece). The EOKA organization, led by Colonel Georgios Grivas, began an armed campaign on 1 April 1955. Turkish Cypriots, who opposed Enosis and favored Taksim (partition) as the alternative, became targets and were displaced from a number of mixed villages; Turkish sources put the figure at 33 villages between 1955 and 1958.

The Greek and Turkish prime ministers agreed the basic framework in Zurich on 11 February 1959, and the London Agreements, signed on 19 February 1959 with Britain and the two community leaders, completed it. The Republic of Cyprus was proclaimed on 16 August 1960 together with three instruments:

• The Constitution, built on communal power-sharing: a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice-President, each with separate veto rights over defense, foreign affairs and security; ratio-based representation in the civil service and security forces; separate communal chambers and separate majorities for certain laws.
• The Treaty of Guarantee (Cyprus, Greece, Türkiye, United Kingdom).
• The Treaty of Alliance (Cyprus, Greece, Türkiye), which stationed Greek and Turkish contingents on the island.

Under the Treaty of Guarantee, Article I commits the Republic to maintain its independence, territorial integrity and security. Article II prohibits any activity promoting union with another state or partition. Article IV provides that the guarantors will consult on measures needed to ensure observance, and that where common or concerted action is not possible, each guarantor reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the treaty.

1963–1964: Breakdown and Resolution 186

On 30 November 1963, President Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments, which would among other things have removed the Vice-President's veto and altered the communal ratios. Makarios presented them as a way to make the state workable. Turkish Cypriot leaders and Ankara rejected them, arguing they would reduce Turkish Cypriots from a co-founding community to a minority; Ankara formally rejected the proposals in December.

Violence erupted in Nicosia on 21 December 1963, the episode Turkish sources call 'Bloody Christmas'. Turkish Cypriot sources and Ankara describe it as the implementation of a Greek Cypriot plan, often called the Akritas Plan, and say about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages and excluded from state organs. Greek Cypriot official accounts reject the characterization of a pre-planned campaign and say Turkish Cypriot officials withdrew from the government on the instructions of their own leadership. The two sides' accounts of who left state institutions and why remain among the most contested points in the record. Nicosia was divided along the Green Line on 30 December 1963.

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964) recommended the creation of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and referred to the 'Government of Cyprus', which in practice meant the Greek Cypriot-led administration, a point that has shaped the two sides' status ever since. The desk's explainer UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964): How Did It Shape the Status of the Two Sides in Cyprus? examines the text and its aftermath.

1974: The Coup and the 20 July Operation

On 15 July 1974 the military junta in Athens backed a coup against Makarios, installing Nicos Sampson, a former EOKA fighter, as president. Makarios escaped the island. On 20 July 1974, Türkiye launched a military operation, citing Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, after what it says were consultations with the United Kingdom, which did not join. UN Security Council Resolution 353 (20 July 1974) demanded a ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign military personnel present in contravention of the Republic's independence. A second phase of operations took place on 14–16 August 1974 after the Geneva talks failed. The junta in Athens collapsed within days of the coup, and the Sampson regime fell on 23 July.

The operation left Türkiye in control of roughly the northern third of the island, and populations were exchanged and displaced in both directions. Whether Article IV permitted armed force, and whether the operation exceeded its 'sole aim', is the legal core of the dispute. For a sister-publication treatment of that question, see Record of Nations: Fact Check: Was Türkiye's 1974 Cyprus Intervention Really an 'Illegal Invasion' Under the Treaty of Guarantee? and Monitor of Nations: Fact Check: Was Türkiye's 1974 Cyprus Intervention an Illegal 'Invasion'? What the Treaty of Guarantee and the UN Record Actually Say.

1975–1983: Federation Talks and the TRNC

The Turkish Cypriot side declared the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus on 13 February 1975. The High-Level Agreements of 1977 (Makarios–Denktaş) and 1979 (Kyprianou–Denktaş) set the basis for a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation, a formula the UN, Greece and the Republic of Cyprus continue to cite. On 15 November 1983, Rauf Raif Denktaş proclaimed the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The Security Council declared the proclamation legally invalid in Resolution 541 (18 November 1983) and repeated the point in Resolution 550 (1984). Türkiye is the only state that recognizes the TRNC.

2004–2024: The Negotiating Record

• Annan Plan referendums, 24 April 2004. The UN plan proposed a united federation. 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted Yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted No, so the plan failed. The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004, with the acquis suspended in the north under Protocol 10 of the Accession Treaty. Ankara and Turkish Cypriot leaders say the Yes vote was not rewarded with an end to isolation. Greek Cypriot leaders, notably the then-president Tassos Papadopoulos, argued the plan lacked adequate security and implementation guarantees and did not sufficiently restore property and settlement rights.
• Crans-Montana, 28 June–7 July 2017. A conference under UN Secretary-General António Guterres, with the guarantors present, ended without agreement. The sticking points were security and guarantees, including the future of the Treaty of Guarantee and the Turkish troop presence, as well as the rotating presidency and political equality. Each side blamed the other.
• Geneva, 27–29 April 2021. An informal meeting in the '5+UN' format (the two sides, three guarantors and the UN). Guterres concluded that there was no common ground to resume formal negotiations. Turkish and Turkish Cypriot leaders presented a two-state proposal; the Greek Cypriot side and Greece reiterated their commitment to federation.
• New York, 15 October 2024. Guterres hosted the two leaders at an informal meeting. The UN continued to emphasize engagement through its personal envoy, while Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership at the time said it confirmed the absence of common ground on a federal model.

Dated Chronology

Date	Event	Why it matters
1 Apr 1955	EOKA campaign for Enosis begins	Opens the armed phase of the Enosis/Taksim contest
11 Feb 1959	Zurich Agreement (Greece–Türkiye)	Basic structure of the future Republic
19 Feb 1959	London Agreements signed	Finalizes the settlement with the UK and communal leaders
16 Aug 1960	Republic proclaimed; Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance in force	Partnership state with three guarantor powers
30 Nov 1963	Makarios proposes 13 constitutional amendments	Trigger for the crisis over communal rights
21 Dec 1963	Intercommunal violence begins in Nicosia	Turkish Cypriots leave state organs; enclaves form
30 Dec 1963	Green Line drawn in Nicosia	First physical division
4 Mar 1964	UNSC Resolution 186	Creates UNFICYP; refers to the 'Government of Cyprus'
15 Jul 1974	Coup against Makarios; Sampson installed	Greek junta-backed move against the 1960 order
20 Jul 1974	Turkish operation; UNSC Resolution 353	Ankara invokes Article IV; UN calls for ceasefire and withdrawal of foreign forces
14–16 Aug 1974	Second phase of operations	Line of control takes its present shape
15 Nov 1983	TRNC proclaimed	UNSC Resolutions 541 and 550 call it legally invalid
24 Apr 2004	Annan Plan referendums	64.91% Yes (Turkish Cypriots); 75.83% No (Greek Cypriots)
1 May 2004	Republic of Cyprus joins EU	Acquis suspended in the north
28 Jun–7 Jul 2017	Crans-Montana conference	Talks end without agreement
27–29 Apr 2021	Geneva informal meeting (5+UN)	UN reports no common ground for formal talks
15 Oct 2024	New York meeting hosted by the UN Secretary-General	No agreed move to formal negotiations

Key Players & Positions

Each actor's official position rests on a different reading of the same documents, so the table below attributes them to their own sources.

Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot administration)

The Republic of Cyprus, whose president since 2023 is Nikos Christodoulides, is internationally recognized as the government of the whole island. Its foreign ministry and presidency state that the settlement must be a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, a single sovereignty, single international personality and single citizenship, as set out in Security Council resolutions such as 649 (1990) and 1251 (1999). It calls the 1974 operation an invasion and the north an occupied area, rejects any two-state model, and seeks the withdrawal of Turkish troops and the abolition of the unilateral right of intervention and the guarantee system.

Greece

Athens, through its foreign ministry and prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, backs the federal framework and the Greek Cypriot reading of the 1974 events. It says the system of guarantees and the intervention right are outdated in an era of EU membership, and it supports the removal of Turkish troops. Greece does not deny that the 1974 coup was backed by its then-junta, but says the junta's collapse ended Greece's role in it and does not justify the continued presence of Turkish forces.

United Kingdom

The UK is a guarantor and retains two Sovereign Base Areas on the island. It says it is committed to a UN-led settlement based on a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, does not recognize the TRNC, and describes the guarantor role as one it will play if the parties request it. At Crans-Montana it participated in the guarantor discussions and has said it would support whatever security arrangement the two sides agree.

European Union

The EU, through European Council conclusions and Commission statements, supports a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework, on the basis of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality. EU law is suspended in the north under Protocol 10, and EU institutions reject two-state formulas. EU conclusions on the Eastern Mediterranean have also backed the Republic of Cyprus on maritime and sovereignty questions, a point Ankara disputes; see the desk's Eastern Mediterranean Desk: Who Claims What at Sea, and Where Does Türkiye's 2025 Registration Fit?.

United Nations

The UN Secretary-General and Security Council have repeatedly affirmed a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality as the basis for a settlement, and they consider the TRNC declaration legally invalid under Resolutions 541 and 550. UNFICYP's mandate is renewed annually, and the Secretary-General's personal envoy engages with the parties and guarantors. After Geneva 2021, Guterres said there was no common ground to resume formal negotiations, and the UN has since sought to rebuild trust through leaders' meetings and confidence-building measures.

European Court of Human Rights

In Loizidou v. Turkey (1996) and Cyprus v. Turkey (2001), the European Court of Human Rights held that Türkiye exercises effective overall control over the north and bears responsibility for convention violations there. Ankara rejects that attribution and maintains that the TRNC is a separate state.

Turkish Cypriot Leadership

The TRNC leadership under Ersin Tatar adopted the two-state position from 2020 and 2021. In October 2025 Tufan Erhürman, who campaigned for a return to federal-based negotiations, was elected Turkish Cypriot leader, which makes the Turkish Cypriot position a variable to watch alongside Ankara's.

What to Watch

• Whether the UN's personal envoy can bring the leaders back to formal talks, and on what terms.
• Whether the guarantor system, in particular Article IV and the troop presence, is on the table in any security discussion.
• How hydrocarbon questions are handled; see Turkish Cypriot Hydrocarbon Proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019: What Was Offered and What Happened?.
• Ongoing positions among the Turkish Cypriot electorate and leadership on federation versus two states.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara's position, as set out by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Presidency, is that the 1960 partnership was destroyed in 1963, that Türkiye acted lawfully as a guarantor in 1974, and that a durable settlement must now rest on the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people. The following points summarize that position, which is attributed to Turkish official sources rather than presented as settled fact.

• Guarantor rights remain valid and were lawfully exercised. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the 15 July 1974 coup, aimed at Enosis, violated Articles I and II of the Treaty of Guarantee, and Türkiye acted on 20 July 1974 under Article IV after consulting the UK, with the sole aim of restoring the constitutional order and protecting Turkish Cypriots. Ankara argues the guarantee system continues to serve the security of Turkish Cypriots and cannot be removed unilaterally.
• The 1960 partnership state ended in 1963, and Resolution 186 entrenched an asymmetry. Turkish Foreign Ministry statements hold that the Greek Cypriot side seized the state organs by force after rejecting its co-founding partner's constitutional rights, and that UNSC Resolution 186, by referring to the 'Government of Cyprus', gave one side's administration the status the partnership had given to both.
• Sovereign equality and equal international status are the starting point. In his addresses to the UN General Assembly and on 20 July anniversaries, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has said that Turkish Cypriots are co-owners of the island with inherent rights, and that any settlement must begin with recognition of their equal status. Ankara cites the 2004 referendum as evidence of Turkish Cypriot willingness to settle, and says the isolation that followed was unjust.
• The federal model is exhausted; a two-state settlement reflects the realities on the island. The Foreign Ministry and the Presidency have said that more than five decades of negotiations, including the High-Level Agreements, the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana and Geneva, did not produce a federation because the Greek Cypriot side would not share power and prosperity as equals. Ankara proposes the peaceful coexistence of two sovereign states in the island, with cooperation between them.
• Cooperation, not exclusion. Türkiye points to the Turkish Cypriot proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 on joint management and revenue-sharing of hydrocarbons, and President Erdoğan's 2020 call for an Eastern Mediterranean conference, as evidence that it seeks arrangements that include all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots.

Legal and Historical Basis Ankara Cites

• The 1959 Zurich and London Agreements and the 1960 treaties, which created a state of two co-founding communities and made three states its guarantors.
• Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, read together with Article II (which bars both Enosis and partition) and Article I.
• Self-determination and political equality as the basis for the 1983 proclamation, and the 2004 referendum result as proof that the Turkish Cypriot side accepted a UN plan.
• The observation that Resolutions 541 and 550 were adopted without the Security Council addressing the circumstances that preceded them, which Ankara regards as a reason to look at present realities rather than at those resolutions alone.

Other actors contest several of these claims. The Republic of Cyprus, Greece, most UN members and the European Court of Human Rights do not accept that Article IV allowed continued military presence or that the TRNC is a lawfully created state. Readers can compare Ankara's argument with the sister-publication guides at Regional Order: Cyprus and the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee: From Partnership Republic to the Two-State Solution and The Political Anatomy: The Cyprus Issue Explained: 1960 Treaties, Guarantor Rights and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Approach.

Source Comparison

The same events are framed differently depending on whether the source is a UN text, a Greek Cypriot or EU official source, or a Turkish primary source. The table sets the common framings side by side. It is a guide to attribution, not a verdict on which reading is legally correct.

Issue	Frequent framing in international media and UN texts	Greek Cypriot, Greek and EU official line	Turkish primary-source line
1960 Republic	A fragile independent state with power-sharing	A unitary, internationally recognized state with a flawed constitution	A partnership state of two co-founding peoples, with guarantors
1963	Intercommunal violence; Turkish Cypriots leave government	Turkish Cypriot withdrawal on their leadership's orders; doctrine of necessity	Armed attacks and forced exclusion; end of the partnership
Resolution 186	Creates UNFICYP; refers to the Government of Cyprus	Confirms the legitimacy of the Republic's government	Entrenches a status asymmetry between the two sides
1974	'Turkish invasion' following a Greek-backed coup	Illegal invasion and continuing occupation	Lawful intervention under Article IV to prevent Enosis
Article IV	Disputed whether it allows force	Does not authorize force under the UN Charter	Reserves to each guarantor the right to act to restore the treaty order
TRNC	Legally invalid under UNSC 541/550; recognized only by Türkiye	Illegal secessionist entity	Proclaimed on the basis of self-determination and political equality
2004 Annan Plan	Turkish Cypriots said Yes; Greek Cypriots said No	Plan lacked guarantees on security and implementation	Result showed Turkish Cypriot willingness; they were then isolated
Settlement model	Bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality	Same, as per UN resolutions	Federation exhausted; two sovereign equal states

In practice, much English-language coverage of the dispute follows the UN's wording and describes the north as 'occupied' or 'breakaway', while Turkish sources use 'Cyprus Peace Operation' and 'Turkish Cypriots', and Turkish official language refers to the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC). Readers who want to test any claim should go to the primary texts: the 1960 treaties, Resolutions 186, 353, 541 and 550, the Annan Plan, and the Secretary-General's reports. On wider Turkish Cypriot rights in the Eastern Mediterranean, compare Regional Balance: The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, 1974 and the Case for a Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• Enosis: the Greek nationalist aim of union between Cyprus and Greece, prohibited by Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee.
• Taksim: the Turkish Cypriot-era concept of partition, also barred by Article II.
• EOKA: the Greek Cypriot armed organization founded in 1955 to pursue Enosis; some of its former members took part in the 1974 coup.
• Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty giving Türkiye, Greece and the UK the role of guarantors of the Republic's independence and constitutional order; Article IV is the clause on action.
• Treaty of Alliance (1960): the treaty providing for Greek and Turkish contingents on the island.
• Green Line: the buffer zone running across the island, patrolled by UNFICYP, which began in Nicosia in December 1963.
• UNFICYP: the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, established by Resolution 186.
• Bi-zonal, bi-communal federation (BBF): the UN-endorsed settlement framework, with two constituent states and political equality.
• GCASC: the Turkish official term for the Greek Cypriot administration in the south.
• TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed 15 November 1983.

Related Desk Guides

• UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964): How Did It Shape the Status of the Two Sides in Cyprus?
• Turkish Cypriot Hydrocarbon Proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019: What Was Offered and What Happened?
• Eastern Mediterranean Desk: Who Claims What at Sea, and Where Does Türkiye's 2025 Registration Fit?
• Editorial Principles: How the Desk Sources, Separates Fact from Position and Corrects Errors
• International Affairs Desk: Analysis, Documents and Türkiye's Position on Global Affairs

Perspective Note

This article reflects International Affairs Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the context needed to evaluate them. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly. International Affairs Desk presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Published by the International Affairs Desk Editorial Team.