internationalaffairsdesk.com // Analysis · Documents · Legal Framework
International Affairs Desk

Facts, law and Türkiye's position, filed from the desk.

International Affairs Desk is an English-language editorial publication that combines news-desk analysis, primary documents and the legal framework in one stream. It explains global and regional affairs in plain language and presents Türkiye's official positions, with the context readers need to evaluate them.

In-Depth Analysis· UN Security Council resolution 186 Cyprus 1964 explained

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964): How Did It Shape the Status of the Two Sides in Cyprus?

UN Security Council resolution 186 Cyprus 1964 explained: what it says, how it created UNFICYP, and why 'Government of Cyprus' is still read two ways.

IAD
Published:
⏱ 11 min read (2,355 words)

Why It Matters

UN Security Council Resolution 186 of 4 March 1964 created the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and, in doing so, used the phrase 'Government of Cyprus' for the authorities in Nicosia at a time when the Turkish Cypriot partners had been excluded from state institutions. That wording was meant to be practical, but it became the textual anchor for two incompatible readings: the Republic of Cyprus as the continuing recognised state, or a partnership state whose Turkish Cypriot half had been displaced. Six decades later, the same dispute shapes how the UN, the EU and Ankara describe the island's status.

Background

Resolution 186 was a response to the collapse of the 1960 constitutional order, not a ruling on who governed Cyprus legitimately. To read it properly, one needs the treaty framework and the events of 1963.

The 1960 partnership framework

The Zurich and London Agreements of 11 February 1959 led to the Republic of Cyprus in 1960. It was built on the political equality of two communities and secured by three linked instruments: the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance and the Treaty of Guarantee, under which Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom became guarantor powers. The Constitution gave the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President a veto on key matters, fixed community ratios in public service, and provided for separate communal arrangements. Article I of the Treaty of Guarantee barred union with any other state and partition; Article IV provided for consultation among the guarantors and, failing joint action, for each to act to re-establish the state of affairs created by the treaty.

The breakdown of 1963

On 30 November 1963, President Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments that would, among other changes, remove the Vice-President's veto. The Turkish side rejected them. Intercommunal violence began on 21 December 1963 ('Bloody Christmas'), and Nicosia was divided by the Green Line on 30 December 1963. Turkish Cypriot ministers, members of parliament and civil servants ceased to take part in the institutions. Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership say they were forcibly excluded; the Greek Cypriot side says the Turkish Cypriots withdrew on their leadership's instructions. The Cyprus Supreme Court later applied a 'doctrine of necessity' (Attorney-General v. Ibrahim, 1964) to justify the continued functioning of an all-Greek Cypriot government.

What Resolution 186 actually says

After a failed London conference in January 1964 and complaints lodged in the Council in February, the Security Council adopted Resolution 186 unanimously. In summary:

  • Preamble: it notes that the situation is likely to threaten international peace and security, and it takes note of the positions of the parties regarding the treaties signed at Nicosia on 16 August 1960.
  • Operative para 1: it calls on all Member States to refrain from any action likely to worsen the situation.
  • Operative para 2: it asks the 'Government of Cyprus', which it describes as responsible for the maintenance and restoration of law and order, to take all additional measures necessary to stop violence and bloodshed.
  • Operative para 3: it calls on the communities and their leaders to act with the utmost restraint.
  • Operative para 4: it recommends a UN Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, established with the consent of the Government of Cyprus, with composition and size determined by the Secretary-General in consultation with the governments of Cyprus, Greece, Türkiye and the United Kingdom.
  • Mandate and mediation: the force was initially to stay for three months, with costs met by voluntary contributions, and the Secretary-General was asked to designate a mediator. Sakari Tuomioja of Finland was appointed first; UNFICYP began operating on 27 March 1964.

The text does not declare the Republic of Cyprus legitimate or the Turkish Cypriot community illegitimate. But it names one party as 'Government', and the other only as a 'community'.

Key Players & Positions

The mainstream international reading holds that Resolution 186 confirmed the Republic of Cyprus as the continuing recognised state, while Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership say it froze a status asymmetry. Each side cites its own official sources.

The Republic of Cyprus, the UN system and the EU

The Republic of Cyprus holds that it has been a UN member since 1960 and that the Council has consistently addressed it as the state. It says the Turkish Cypriot absence from state organs was a withdrawal, not an expulsion, and that the 1960 Constitution never ceased to be the legal basis of the state. The UN Secretary-General's reports have long used 'Government of Cyprus' in the same operational sense as Resolution 186. Greece shares this broad reading.

The United Kingdom and other permanent members

The United Kingdom, a guarantor and holder of the Sovereign Base Areas, has supported a settlement based on a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation, and has generally treated the Republic of Cyprus as the international subject. Most Council members have followed this approach in successive mandate renewals.

The Turkish Cypriot leadership

The Turkish Cypriot leadership proclaimed the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus on 13 February 1975 and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on 15 November 1983. It says it has been a co-founding partner since 1960, not a minority of a Greek Cypriot-led state.

How later resolutions are read

Instrument What it did Mainstream reading Ankara and TRNC reading
Resolution 541 (18 Nov 1983) Deplored the TRNC declaration, considered it legally invalid, and called on states not to recognise any Cypriot state other than the Republic of Cyprus Confirms the Republic of Cyprus as sole recognised state on the island Ignores the lack of a functioning partnership since 1963 and penalises one party to the dispute
Resolution 550 (11 May 1984) Condemned the exchange of ambassadors between Türkiye and the TRNC and called inadmissible any attempt to settle Varosha by others than its inhabitants Reinforces non-recognition and protects Greek Cypriot property claims Entrenches a one-sided framework and has not led to settlement
Resolution 1251 (1999) Describes a settlement as a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation with a single sovereignty and political equality The agreed UN settlement parameters Federation has been tested for decades and has not delivered equality in practice
EU accession (1 May 2004) Cyprus joined as a whole; Protocol 10 suspends the acquis in areas not under the government's effective control Legitimate accession of a recognised state Unilateral accession on behalf of the island after Greek Cypriots rejected the Annan Plan
🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara argues that Resolution 186 treated a one-community administration as the government of a state that the 1960 treaties had designed as a partnership of two equal peoples. The points below summarise official Turkish positions as stated by Turkish government sources.

  • Partnership, not a unitary state. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960 by Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots as equal co-founders, on the basis of the Zurich and London Agreements and the Treaties of Establishment, Alliance and Guarantee. Ankara argues that the 1960 Constitution could not continue to operate lawfully once Turkish Cypriots had been removed from the institutions in December 1963.
  • Status asymmetry created in 1964. The Foreign Ministry says that by addressing the Greek Cypriot administration as 'the Government of Cyprus', Resolution 186 gave one community the international standing of the whole state. Türkiye uses the term 'Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus' (GCASC) for that administration. Ankara holds that this asymmetry has obstructed settlement ever since.
  • Guarantor rights remain. Türkiye relies on Articles I and IV of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee. Ankara says its 20 July 1974 intervention, after the 15 July coup aimed at union with Greece (Enosis), was an exercise of those treaty rights. The preamble of Resolution 186, which notes the parties' positions on the treaties, is read by Ankara as leaving the treaty question open.
  • Later resolutions and the EU. The Foreign Ministry maintains that Resolutions 541 and 550 were adopted without addressing the 1963 breakdown and that the Greek Cypriot side's EU membership on 1 May 2004 followed a referendum in which 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots accepted the Annan Plan and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots rejected it. Ankara argues that rejection carried no cost, while Turkish Cypriots stayed isolated.
  • Political equality and equal international status. Presidency statements and Türkiye's addresses at the UN General Assembly say that, after the failure of Crans-Montana (July 2017) and the 15 October 2024 New York meeting, a realistic settlement must begin by recognising the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people, leading to cooperation between two states on the island.

This summarises Ankara's stated legal reading; the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, the EU and most UN members reject the two-state conclusion and continue to refer to the federal parameters. For Turkish Cypriot hydrocarbon proposals that grew from the same equality argument, see Turkish Cypriot Hydrocarbon Proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019: What Was Offered and What Happened?.

Source Comparison

International media and UN documents tend to describe Resolution 186 as a peacekeeping measure that confirmed the Republic of Cyprus; Turkish primary sources describe the same text as a turning point that gave one party the state's seat. Both can be checked against the resolution text.

Question Typical international framing Turkish official framing What the primary text shows
Who is the 'Government of Cyprus' in 1964? The internationally recognised government of the Republic of Cyprus An administration that had displaced the Turkish Cypriot partners The resolution uses the term operationally and does not define it
Why did Turkish Cypriots leave the institutions? They withdrew after the constitutional crisis They were forced out by armed attacks from December 1963 Sources on both sides differ; the Council did not adjudicate the cause
Did Resolution 186 settle legitimacy? Yes, by implication and by later practice No, it left the treaty positions open and created asymmetry The preamble notes the positions of the parties on the 1960 treaties
Effect of 541 and 550 Non-recognition of the TRNC is binding on states They deepen the injustice done to Turkish Cypriots Both texts call for non-recognition; neither addresses the 1963 breakdown
Meaning of 2004 Accession of the Republic, with the acquis suspended in the north Accession of one side, after Turkish Cypriots voted 'yes' Protocol 10 and the referendum results are public record

When reading Turkish sources, note the official terminology ('GCASC', 'TRNC', 'Turkish Cypriots'). When reading UN documents, note that 'community' and 'Government' are used operationally. Our approach to separating documents from positions is set out in the Editorial Principles.

Timeline

Date Event
11 Feb 1959 Zurich and London Agreements
16 Aug 1960 Republic of Cyprus established; Treaties of Establishment, Alliance and Guarantee in force
30 Nov 1963 Makarios proposes 13 constitutional amendments
21 Dec 1963 Intercommunal violence begins ('Bloody Christmas')
30 Dec 1963 Nicosia divided by the Green Line
4 Mar 1964 Resolution 186 adopted; UNFICYP and a mediator recommended
27 Mar 1964 UNFICYP begins operating
15 Jul 1974 Coup against Makarios, aimed at Enosis
20 Jul 1974 Türkiye's intervention under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee
13 Feb 1975 Turkish Federated State of Cyprus proclaimed
15 Nov 1983 TRNC proclaimed
18 Nov 1983 Resolution 541 adopted
11 May 1984 Resolution 550 adopted
1999 Resolution 1251 restates federal settlement parameters
24 Apr 2004 Annan Plan referendum: 64.91% Turkish Cypriot 'yes', 75.83% Greek Cypriot 'no'
1 May 2004 Cyprus joins the EU
Jul 2017 Crans-Montana conference ends without agreement
15 Oct 2024 UN trilateral meeting in New York

These terms recur in any discussion of Resolution 186. For the wider reading of the record, start with the Cyprus Desk: From the 1960 Partnership to the Two-State Position, Reading the Record.

  • UNFICYP: the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, created under Resolution 186 and renewed by the Council at regular intervals since 1964.
  • Government of Cyprus: the phrase in Resolution 186 for the authorities responsible for law and order; mainstream sources read it as the recognised state, Ankara as a one-community administration.
  • Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty under which Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom guarantee the independence and constitutional order of Cyprus; Article IV provides for action by the guarantors.
  • GCASC: Türkiye's official term for the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus.
  • TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed on 15 November 1983 and recognised only by Türkiye.
  • Bi-communal, bi-zonal federation: the settlement model in UN resolutions such as 1251, which Ankara and the TRNC now say has been exhausted.
  • Political equality: a principle in UN settlement language; Turkish sources link it to equal international status, while other parties link it to power-sharing inside one state.

For the maritime dimension of the same dispute, see the Eastern Mediterranean Desk: Who Claims What at Sea, and Where Does Türkiye's 2025 Registration Fit?. For the logic of Security Council composition that shaped such resolutions, see The Nations Compass on 'The World Is Bigger Than Five' and Interstate Journal on UN Security Council reform. Readers can learn more about the Desk through About International Affairs Desk.

This article reflects International Affairs Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the context needed to evaluate them. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.

International Affairs Desk Editorial Team

Frequently asked questions

What did UN Security Council Resolution 186 of 1964 do?

Adopted unanimously on 4 March 1964, it called for restraint, asked the 'Government of Cyprus' to restore law and order, and recommended a UN Peace-keeping Force with the consent of that government. It also asked the Secretary-General to designate a mediator. UNFICYP began operating on 27 March 1964.

Why is the phrase 'Government of Cyprus' contested?

After December 1963, Turkish Cypriots were no longer part of the state institutions, which the 1960 Constitution had designed as a partnership of two communities. The mainstream reading treats the phrase as referring to the continuing recognised Republic. Ankara reads it as giving one community the standing of the whole state.

Did Resolution 186 say the Republic of Cyprus was legitimate or illegitimate?

The text does not rule on legitimacy. It uses 'Government of Cyprus' operationally and notes the positions the parties had taken on the 1960 treaties. Both sides therefore rely on the wording, and on later practice, to support their readings.

How do Resolutions 541 and 550 relate to Resolution 186?

Resolution 541 (1983) deemed the TRNC declaration legally invalid and called on states not to recognise any Cypriot state other than the Republic of Cyprus, and Resolution 550 (1984) condemned the exchange of ambassadors between Türkiye and the TRNC and rejected settlement of Varosha by others than its inhabitants. International sources treat them as continuing the 1964 framework. Türkiye argues they ignore the 1963 breakdown and the Turkish Cypriots' equal status.

What is Türkiye's current position on the status of the two sides?

According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry and Presidency statements, Turkish Cypriots are co-founders with equal rights, and the federal model has been exhausted after the 2004 referendum, Crans-Montana in 2017 and the 2024 New York meeting. Ankara says a lasting settlement must begin by recognising the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people. Greece, the Republic of Cyprus and the EU maintain the federal parameters set out in UN resolutions.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

International Affairs Desk presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.

Author: International Affairs Desk Editorial TeamAbout International Affairs Desk →Editorial Principles →

Cross-Publication Perspectives & Cited Research

Related Dossiers Across Partner Publications

4 Partner Desks